What is effort in expectancy theory?

Performance-based rewards

Expectancy theory suggests that individuals are motivated to perform if they know that their extra performance is recognized and rewarded (Vroom, 1964). Consequently, companies using performance-based pay can expect improvements. Performance-based pay can link rewards to the amount of products employees produced. As such, attraction, retention, productivity, quality, participation, and morale may improve. Yet, for best practice gurus such as Pfeffer (1998), rewards had twin elements and needed to be not only performance-related but also higher than average.

Scalar Timing

ST has its origins in scalar expectancy theory (Gibbon, 1977), and made its appearance as a timing model in Gibbon et al. (1984). The model consists of three, interrelated information processing stages – clock, memory, and decision – which are associated with timing, storage, and responding, respectively. The clock is responsible for transforming clock time into perceived time. It consists of a pacemaker that emits pulses at some mean rate, a switch that is controlled by a timing signal, and an accumulator that sums the pulses. There are two memory registers for the storage of clock information, working memory and reference memory. Working memory is loaded from the accumulator and serves as an extended buffer for temporal information from the current trial. Reference memory stores critical temporal information from past trials. The comparator determines a response on the basis of a decision rule which involves a comparison of current time stored in working memory with remembered time sampled from reference memory.

According to ST, the decision to respond RS or RL in temporal bisection is made by comparing the similarity of the perceived value of t with memories of the two referents, S and L. This comparison is based on a ratio of the similarity of t to S relative to the similarity of t to L. If that ratio is less than some fixed value β, the response is RL. In his mathematical derivation of the bisection function, Gibbon (1981) combined the similarity ratio decision rule with two locations for the scalar variability, perception or memory. In the referent known exactly (RKE) model, he assumed no variability in the memory for the referents and placed the scalar variability in the perception of the probes. In contrast, in the stimulus known exactly (SKE) model, he assumed no variability in the perception of the probes and placed the scalar variability in the memory for the referents. There are two parameters in these models. The noise parameter γ is the coefficient of variation of time. For SKE, γ is the scalar variability in the memory representations of the S and L referents; for RKE, γ is the scalar variability in the perception of t. For both models, β is a response bias parameter. It follows from the assumptions of the model that the SKE bisection function is approximately

[4] P(RL)=1−ϕ[1−β[tSL]2γγ2+2]

and the RKE function is approximately

[5]P(RL)=1−ϕ[SLβγ2t2−1γ]

where ϕ is the cumulative normal distribution function. For both models, T1/2 is proportional to the geometric mean (GM) of the S and L referents:

[6a]T1/2=SLβ =GMβ

and for unbiased responding (β = 1), T1/2 is at the GM of the S and L referents:

[6b]T1/2=SL=GM

Equation [6a] provides for variables such as ratio and probe spacing to have their effect on the location of T1/2 through β. For example, with a large r and linear probe spacing, T1/2 located at the GM would yield more RL than RS responses. To balance the frequency of the two response categories, it would be necessary to set β < 1, moving T1/2 towards the AM. With log probe spacing, however, the two response categories would be equal with β = 1 and T1/2 at the GM.

Victor Vroom and expectancy theory

Victor Vroom is well known for his expectancy theory of motivation. It is similar to equity theory in that it posits that one weighs certain factors relative to motivation. According to Vroom ([1964] 1995: 7), motivation may be defined in a variety of ways, but his definition is ‘to refer to a process governing choices made by persons or lower organisms among alternative forms of voluntary activity’. Vroom’s theory differs from others to some extent, in that it focuses on the here and now as opposed to past behavior. According to Vroom, his approach forces one to ‘assume that the choices made by a person among alternative courses of action are lawfully related to psychological events occurring contemporaneously with the behavior’ (ibid.: 17).

The concept of valence is central to Vroom’s theory. Essentially, whenever people act, they do so to affect one among two or a series of possible outcomes. Valence is thus ‘affective orientations toward particular outcomes’ (ibid.: 18). It should be noted that much like equity theory, which focuses on perceived inequity, the focus is on one’s perception of the outcomes. That is, an outcome may or may not be a satisfier to the degree expected once achieved, but the theory considers only the expected satisfaction to be achieved. In all decisions there is an element of risk. According to Vroom, people essentially weigh their desire to achieve a given outcome against the risk associated with it. He believes that all of these factors can be measured with some degree of accuracy.

Vroom validated his theory in a variety of ways. One way was to ask individuals to report verbally on the elements mentioned above. Another was to analyze fantasies or stories told by individuals. A third was to examine whether or not a given outcome spurred desire in the direction of further learning. A fourth way was to examine alternative choices that an individual could have made against the one actually made. Lastly, one could observe another’s actions to see which choices are made. All of these methods allow us to examine motivations relative to Vroom’s theory.

While this concept may seem fairly complicated on the surface, it could be applied by library managers with considerable effectiveness. By understanding someone’s choices as they are made, their tolerance for risk, etc., one can better guide and coach a given employee. Certainly, individuals will differ considerably in the choices they make and their level of tolerance for risk.

Vroom’s book Work and Motivation, through its detailed exploration of scores of specific studies, provides much wisdom beyond just the basic outlines of his theory. According to Vroom (ibid.: 46), ‘many work roles provide their occupants with an opportunity to contribute to the happiness and well-being of their fellow man’. I can think of no better way to describe how many of us, at least to some degree, view library work. Our respective missions provide us with a great deal of satisfaction and, as he posits, may create a situation in which expenditure of energy as opposed to avoidance of it is deeply satisfying. Likewise, he suggests that some professions are more of a first choice than others. In this respect, one would think that librarians are somewhat unusual in that most, while they may be able to point to positive early experiences in a library, come to the profession later in life. By definition, a librarian is typically not viewed as a professional without a graduate degree in library and information studies. This has significant ramifications for how to motivate professional library staff. He also notes studies which indicate that social workers and teachers are much higher in intrinsic and lower in extrinsic orientation towards rewards. This too may apply to librarians to an equal degree.

Common to all workers, Vroom identifies the most critical satisfiers, which may in turn serve as motivators: ‘intrinsic job satisfaction, company involvement, financial and job status satisfaction, and pride in group performance’ (ibid.: 118). Some other common elements among workers have been identified by Vroom as well. For example, people commonly list co-workers most often and a supervisor second most often when asked about satisfiers. Likewise, a different ranked list of job factors was reported: ‘security, followed by opportunity for advancement, company and management, wages, intrinsic aspects of jobs, supervision, social aspects of jobs, communication, working conditions, and benefits…’ (ibid.: 123). It should be noted, however, that many of these satisfiers may not directly relate to performance. Certainly, motivation-hygiene theory has already sounded this warning. Vroom (ibid.: 218) states ‘There is no simple relationship between job satisfaction and job performance.’ While part of this may be due to the challenge in objectively measuring job performance, it also serves as a warning beyond meeting serious hygiene concerns. That is, just satisfying people or making them happy is not necessarily the best way for a library manager to motivate staff to be productive. Likewise, while some have suggested that certain styles of management are more conducive to motivation, indiscriminate support or rewarding of staff without connection to performance is counterproductive. ‘To be of maximal value to motivating subordinates to perform effectively, consideration or supportiveness must be a response to effort and accomplishment rather than indiscriminate supervisory style’ (ibid.: 253). In a separate work, Vroom gets more specific on management styles and notes, for example, that ‘managers must have the capabilities of being both participative and autocratic and of knowing when to employ each’ (Vroom and Jago, 1988: 42).

Expectation Explanation

Stewart-Williams and Podd (2004) reported that expectancy theory and classical conditioning are the two main ‘mechanisms’ thought to mediate the placebo effect. We have already seen that classical conditioning is the functional result of experience-dependent plasticity and not a causal mechanism. Expectations are putative cognitive mechanisms, but we learned in Chapter 1 that psychological mechanisms are metaphors. They are not real because there is no psychological substrate for them to operate upon. As a result Steward-Williams and Podd (2004) did not, because they could not, provide any mechanism information for how cognitive mechanisms generate placebo effects. Like all other psychological explanations we have encountered, or will encounter, cognitive theories are devoid of causal mechanism information despite appearing to offer such by using the word ‘mechanism’ in their title or text.

Contemporary motivation theories

Two well-known contemporary motivation theories are equity theory and expectancy theory (ibid.: 311–313). The former suggests that people compare their contribution to their job and their position to that of others (who are in a similar position) and expect rewards accordingly. Immigrants move to new countries for a better life, and a better life means earning more money sooner or later. They are not going to find satisfaction in a job that pays the minimum wage or comparatively low wages, at least not for too long, especially if they are educated and are able to pursue some education and upgrade their credentials in their new locality. Many of the immigrants who came to the US for IT-related positions switched jobs frequently simply for more money. The library industry is not as competitive as IT industries once were and probably never will be. But if retention becomes an issue for libraries this is something to be aware of. Of course, not all libraries can afford to pay more – public libraries and some special libraries may be entirely dependent on public taxes or funding and many academic libraries may not get all the grants they were promised. Though promising higher salaries to their librarians may not be an option, it is important for library administrators to review salaries at set intervals to make sure they are offering competitive wages. Another issue in libraries is advancement by seniority. Newly hired librarians and library staff who have very little experience are energetic, enthusiastic, and creative with what they can do within the boundaries of their job. If they are not considered for better positions because of lack of seniority within the organization, there is no motivation factor for these librarians. If these new librarians or staff happen to be desperate immigrants, they might consider doing this job only until they can find a better one.

Expectancy theory says that people are only motivated to work towards rewards they want and that are attainable. If a new librarian has to work for twenty years within a library before getting four weeks’ vacation, this is not a huge motivational factor. Regardless of how hard they might work, they are not going to advance much in their career because of institutional regulations such as seniority-based approval and advancement.

Motivation can be accomplished simply by trusting others to do their jobs, by showing appreciation, by recognizing their accomplishments, by reinforcing positive performance behavior, by matching expectations to people’s skills, by setting attainable goals, by providing timely, constructive feedback, by providing a clear sense of direction, and by setting standards. Motivation is not about setting low expectations, but about setting expectations that are achievable and attainable, and about providing the right means to reach that goal. Good leadership that can influence with motivation will naturally lead to the success of an organization and the success of its employees, and this in turn will lead to the success of a leader.

There are many commonalities between leaders and managers in all organizations. In libraries, when a manager has leadership qualities and leader-managerial skills they become an asset to their organization. Both managers and leaders should enable their library employees by motivating them to be leaders – to contribute collaboratively and individually to the success of the organization.

Valence, Instrumentality, and Expectancy

According to Vroom's (1964) valence, instrumentality, and expectancy (VIE) theory, when individuals are deciding which activity to pursue they evaluate the expectancy, valence, and instrumentality of the possible activities. These three assessments are thought to combine to represent the overall motivational force for a goal. The goal with the highest motivational force is then adopted for pursuit. Expectancy is the perceived likelihood that expending effort will lead to goal attainment (Van Eerde and Thierry, 1996), valence is the desirability, attractiveness, importance, or anticipated satisfaction with outcomes associated with a goal (Van Eerde and Thierry, 1996), and instrumentality is the perceived likelihood that goal attainment will lead to desired outcomes (i.e., if I perform at a particular level, I will receive the associated rewards; Vroom, 1964). Each of these judgments contributes to an individual's motivation for a given task; if any of the three judgments are zero, no motivation is said to exist.

VIE theory variables have received a great deal of attention in the literature, though support for the theory varies as a function of the level of analysis. Van Eerde and Thierry's (1996) meta-analysis found weak support for the theory when the tests were at the between-person level of analysis (i.e., comparing how individuals differ in expectancy, valence, and instrumentality for an action). However, the results were stronger for predicting preferences and effort when the analyses were restricted to the more appropriate within-person level of analysis (i.e., comparing how actions differ in expectancy, valence, and instrumentality within the person). In other words, empirical tests that matched the underlying theory (i.e., choosing among goals vs examining who is more or less motivated to pursue a particular goal) provided stronger support for the theory.

Alcohol Expectancies

Alcohol expectancies refer to beliefs people hold about the “positive” and “negative” consequences of drinking alcohol. According to Expectancy Theory, high positive and low negative expectations about the effects of drinking alcohol lead to elevated alcohol consumption. Decades of research have consistently demonstrated that positive alcohol expectancies are associated with increased drinking behavior (including number of drinks and binge episodes) among college students in both cross-sectional and longitudinal studies. Domains of positive alcohol expectancies include tension reduction, sexual enhancement, enhanced sociability, and social assertion. Alcohol expectancies have been shown to be better predictors of problem drinking than background demographic variables such as gender, class, ethnicity, marital status, religiosity, and family history of alcohol problems.

A number of factors, such as gender, family history, and anxiety, have been shown to moderate the relationship between positive alcohol expectancies and drinking behavior. Different types of drinkers tend to endorse different types of alcohol expectancies. Problem drinkers, individuals who abuse alcohol, are more likely to expect tension reduction whereas social drinkers expect social enhancement from alcohol. Further, heavier drinkers expect more positive effects than lighter drinkers. When examining different types of drinkers over the course of the freshmen college year, those who consistently consume low levels of alcohol endorsed lower alcohol expectancies than all other groups of freshman drinkers.

Anxiety among college students is another factor that has been proposed to moderate the relationship between alcohol expectancies and problematic drinking. Among college student populations, beliefs regarding increased sociability and assertiveness from drinking were positively correlated with alcohol use. College student problem drinkers had greater expectancies for improvements in social behavior than nonproblem drinkers. Alcohol expectancies of social anxiety reduction predicted quantity of alcohol consumed per occasion but not frequency of consumption in the past month, such that alcohol consumed per occasion was increased but not the overall frequency in consumption. Furthermore, socially anxious college students with low self-efficacy for avoiding heavy drinking in social situations and high positive expectancies for social facilitation reported more alcohol consumption than other socially anxious college students. These findings demonstrate that college student problem drinking may vary depending on alcohol expectancies surrounding sociability.

Negative alcohol expectancies, which can include cognitive and behavioral impairment, depressant effects, risk and aggression, and negative self-perception, are also meaningful when examining college student alcohol use. However, the relationship between negative alcohol expectancies and drinking is less straightforward than positive expectancies and drinking. More recently, the categorization of alcohol expectancies as “positive” or “negative” has been debated, as well as the inclusion of individual valuation of alcohol expectancies (the extent to which an individual desires these outcomes when drinking). It may be that the negative expectancies individuals report are not necessarily desired, but can influence drinking and drinking-related consequences regardless of their individual valuation. Theoretically, college students endorsing negative alcohol expectancies will drink at lower levels. However, the evidence is mixed.

The relationship between negative alcohol expectancies and drinking varies depending on the type of expectancy. Expectations of depressive symptoms such as feeling sad or sleepy has not been found to be associated with alcohol consumption among college students, but has been found to be associated with alcohol problems. This suggests that students who report these expectancies tend to experience more consequences, but do not similarly report that these expectancies lead them to consume more alcohol. Alcohol expectancies of greater physiological impairment (e.g. becoming dizzy and getting a headache) have been found to be a significant predictor for elevated alcohol use and alcohol problems. Perhaps negative alcohol expectancies are related to alcohol-related problems such that individuals who report these expectancies experience consequences related to these expectancies more frequently. Among female college athletes, favorable valuations of negative expectancies were associated with heavy drinking. When controlling for age, athletic membership and peer use, more negative expectancies and favorable valuations of negative and positive expectancies were predictive of increased hazardous alcohol use. Valuations of alcohol expectancies accounted for additional variance of hazardous alcohol use beyond that of expectancies. It appears that the level that individuals desire expectancy is just as meaningful as the expectancy itself. Additionally, college problem drinkers had greater expectancies of improvements in cognitive and motor abilities than nonproblem drinkers, demonstrating that expectancies are not necessarily universal across college students. Indeed, negative alcohol expectancies seem to have a complicated relationship with alcohol use and alcohol-related problems among college students.

Researchers theorize that alcohol expectancies are developed within college students' social/cultural surroundings. Given the cultural foundation of alcohol expectancies, one would venture to guess cultural differences in alcohol expectancies. Evidence suggests ethnic differences among college students in the endorsement of alcohol expectancies. Asian Americans have been found to increase their positive alcohol expectancies over the course of 3 years of college. In Australia, Asian college students expected cognitive enhancement and negative consequences from alcohol more so than their Caucasian counterparts. African-American women reported less positive alcohol expectancies than other groups of women. Among Mexican American college students, those who endorsed expectancies of physical and social pleasure and increased social assertiveness were more likely to engage in frequent heavy drinking. Longitudinal studies show that gay men increase their alcohol use at greater rates than heterosexual men during the transition into college from high school, and this relationship was mediated by positive alcohol expectancies. It is clear that the relationship between alcohol expectancies and alcohol use may differ depending on the population. However, alcohol expectancy research incorporating cultural factors is limited and thus, overall conclusions cannot yet be made.

Does addressing alcohol expectancies reduce drinking on college campuses? Overall, evidence suggests that interventions aimed at challenging alcohol expectancies are effective in decreasing alcohol use, including heavy episodic drinking, in college students. Research has shown that single-session interventions that challenge alcohol expectancies among college students can lead to significant decreases in alcohol consumptions at a 1-month follow-up, when compared to controls. However, there are some studies that suggest challenging alcohol expectancies alone may not be as effective as other interventions. For example, compared to brief motivational interventions, interventions that challenge alcohol expectancies have been shown to produce similar decreases in heavy episodic drinking and alcohol use overall, however, brief motivational interventions additionally produced decreases in alcohol problems. It has also been found that readiness to change is associated with stronger effects on challenging alcohol expectancies and more reduction in alcohol use.

Abstract

Motivational theories were developed in relation to students; over the last decade, researchers have turned their attention also to teachers. We overview each of three major motivation theories (expectancy-value, achievement goal, and self-determination) that have thus far been reinterpreted in relation to teachers, involving the adaptation of constructs and processes initially designed to understand students' motivations. Empirical findings pertaining to teachers' motivations are summarized, cultural differences contrasted, and methodological issues raised. We conclude with implications and suggestions for future research in the field.

In a broad sense, action planning refers to mental activities that serve action steering, and thus to the selection of goals. Several concepts contribute to the explanation of processes underlying action steering: Expectancy theories explain why people choose a specific action among alternatives. The theory of planned behavior explains under what conditions attitudes influence the choice of an action. While these approaches explain what goals and intentions are chosen, action regulation theory concentrates on functional cycles that regulate behavior, beginning with orientation and goal determination, followed by the development plans and monitored execution, terminated by action-evaluation. In a narrower sense (and embedded in the more general processes), action planning denotes the anticipatory, cognitive construction of the action and its steps. Conditions, possible executions, and outcomes of an action are anticipated, ways of executing and their sequence are decided. Planning is less required if the task is well known or automated, it is more necessary for dynamic and complicated tasks. People's abilities to plan differ, and planning often is inefficient. It may be simply false, but also too detailed or too general, or fails to include unforeseen or delayed effects. Problem solving and error research show the difficulties of appropriate planning.

3.2 Cross-Cultural Differences in How Employees Are Motivated at Work: Process Theories

Process theories deal with the ways in which employees are motivated at work. There are four major process theories of motivation: goal-setting theory, job enrichment theory, equity theory, and expectancy theory. Among the four, goal-setting theory of Locke and Latham has received the most attention from cross-cultural researchers. The theory asserts that the existence of goals is motivating and that goals with particular characteristics (e.g., challenging, specific, accepted) are more motivating than others. Participation and joint decision making are considered to be a key factor in motivation. Participation enhances motivation in that it provides greater autonomy and control over work outcomes and reduces anxiety and uncertainties. The Industrial Democracy in Europe (IDE) International Research Group compared the participative decision-making practices in 12 European countries in 1981 and repeated the study 10 years later in 10 of the original 12 countries as well as in Japan and Poland. This was a major undertaking to show that participation had different meanings and practices across cultures. These studies show that in the most collectivist cultural contexts, group participation is more motivating and effective in improving work outcomes than is individual participation. Individual and face-to-face involvement in decision making (i.e., the North American model) is, in fact, not desired in all cultural contexts. In cultures that Hofstede identified as high in power distance and uncertainty avoidance, participation may even result in demotivation because subordinates seek guidance from their superiors to reduce uncertainties. Research suggests that for participative goal setting to be motivating in developing countries, organizations should enhance employees’ self-efficacy beliefs through empowerment, coaching, and mentoring.

The job enrichment theory of Hackman and Oldham suggests that workers are motivated to the extent that they experience meaningfulness in their jobs. This can be achieved through more autonomy and discretion in one’s job, feedback on performance, opportunity to use multiple skills (i.e., skill variety), identification of the contribution of one’s job to the overall work context (i.e., task identity), and knowledge of the significant contribution of one’s job to others’ lives (i.e., task significance). Jobs that are designed to have high autonomy, feedback, skill variety, task identity, and task significance are referred to as “enriched jobs.” This theory is based on individualist assumptions of employees’ desire for independence, freedom, and challenge. Thus, it is argued that job enrichment might not be as effective in countries with power hierarchies and avoidance of uncertainties. Increasing discretion and responsibility elevate anxiety and uncertainty, and worker autonomy defies the role of the authority. In more collectivist European countries, job design takes the form of “autonomous work groups” in which job enrichment principles are implemented at the group level (e.g., team autonomy, team-based feedback). However, this system is reported to have limitations in developing countries due to uncertainty avoidance and resource scarcity that is endemic to the majority of developing countries.

The equity theory of Adams purports that employee motivation is achieved by invoking the perception of fairness. One way in which to increase fairness is to establish an equitable relationship between “inputs” and “outputs” among workers. Inputs represent everything that employees perceive as their contribution to the job (e.g., training, skills, time, effort, loyalty, commitment to the organization), whereas outputs represent everything that employees perceive as received in return for their contribution (e.g., pay, promotion, praise, recognition and awards). Equity theory has not attracted much cross-cultural research attention, but the available evidence suggests that what constitutes inputs and outputs varies across cultures. In collectivist cultures, loyalty, commitment, seniority, and tenure are more important inputs for promotion and rewards than is job performance. Also, in cultures where there are status hierarchies, the social class or caste to which one belongs is considered an input. Similarly, there are cultural variations in the perception of outcomes. Challenge and autonomy in the job and salary increases are considered to be valued outcomes in individualist cultures, whereas praise from supervisors can be an important outcome in collectivist cultures. There are ways in which to restore equity such as changing inputs (e.g., working less), changing the comparison group, changing the outcomes (e.g., asking for a salary increase), and leaving the organization. There is not enough research to indicate cross-cultural variations in the ways in which to restore equity. However, there is a large body of cross-cultural research in the area of organizational justice. Reward allocation based on an equity principle is not endorsed in all cultural contexts.

The final process theory of motivation is the expectancy theory of Vroom. According to the theory, employees are motivated to the extent that their expectations are met in the following ways. First, if they exert enough effort, their job performance will be at the desired level. Second, if they perform at the desired level, it will lead to some outcomes. Third, the outcomes will have high valence or attractiveness. Although there is no systematic research testing the validity of the theory across cultures, it seems to have more applicability in individualist cultures than in collectivist ones. In individualist cultures, employees are motivated if there is a high likelihood of meeting their own expectations, whereas in collectivist cultures, motivation is related to the probability of meeting the expectations of “significant others” (e.g., family, organization, superiors). “Face saving” is also an important motivator in collectivist cultures. Another cross-cultural variation may exist in people’s beliefs in the controllability of events. In fatalistic cultures, employees do not believe that control of events is in their hands; that is, they have an “external locus of control.” Thus, expectancy theory might not be useful in such cultural contexts.